The Right to Life Amendment: the Politics of Pregnancy ©2008 David C. Hanson, Virginia Western Community College
[Right to Life Amendment]
Amending the Constitution
In the summer of 1787, the founding fathers gave the American people a great gift: a constitutional republic with the capacity to bend and stretch without breaking. Many changes, unimaginable in 1787, have occurred in our nation: democracy has expanded like the land within our borders. Life has become much more complicated, and the relationship between the people and our government has evolved in ways that are both comforting and worrisome. Much has been written by historians and constitutional scholars about the “elastic clause” of Article I, Section 8: Congress shall have the power “to make all laws necessary and proper....” The Supreme Court has interpreted that and other provisions narrowly at times, and broadly at other times, throughout our nation’s history. The truly open-ended framework of the government is embedded elsewhere in the Constitution; to date, twenty-seven amendments have been made to the Constitution in accordance with Article V. It is quite probable that the founders would be astounded, perhaps even appalled, by some of the changes in their handiwork. But that was a different time, when women were second-class citizens, African-Americans were slaves, and Native-Americans were “savages.” That observation is not meant to denigrate the founders, but only to illustrate the point. A lot has changed.
The first ten were perhaps the most important of the amendments. It is hard to imagine our government without the Bill of Rights; that realization makes it all the more remarkable that they were an afterthought, and addendum to the original product of Mr. Madison and his associates in the summer of 1787. The founders enumerated what the President and Congress could do and did not see the need to spell out what they could not do. Maybe that was a bit naive on their part, but it is revealing nonetheless. (Perhaps they should have added that "Congress shall make no laws respecting the private sexual behavior of consenting adults or the possible consequences of such behavior in matters of maternity." Hopefully Mr. Madison is not spinning in his grave over that remark.) They truly believed in limited government, even if it meant accepting the inhumanity of slavery for the sake of political unity. They were, after all, pragmatic conservatives, despite their idealistic revolutionary rhetoric.
In 1865 a true social revolution occurred as an unintended consequence of secession and the civil war that reunited the nation: four million black slaves became free citizens with the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment. This was done as a matter of principle and also for practical reasons. Destroying slavery was instrumental to the defeat of the Confederacy; then the votes of freedmen (guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment) were courted by Republican politicians.
In 1920 the Eighteenth Amendment took effect, prohibiting alcoholic beverages. It was repealed by the Twenty-first Amendment in 1933 because, put simply, Prohibition did not work. In 1920 the states also ratified the Nineteenth Amendment extending voting rights to women. More recently, in 1971 the Twenty-sixth Amendment lowered the voting age to eighteen. The last one, the Twenty-seventh Amendment ratified in 1992, prevents Congress from giving itself a raise in salary without an intervening election.
The Right to Life Amendment
With the possible exception of same-sex marriage, it is hard to image a subject further from the minds of the founders' conception of the role and scope of government than that of the medical termination of pregnancy. In 2005 an amendment to the Constitution was drafted by Congress that would prohibit all abortions except in cases of rape, incest, or a pregnancy that threatens the life of the mother. If those pragmatic conservatives from 1787 were alive today, they might suggest that the proposed amendment raises some perplexing questions.
1. Who's Your Daddy? If abortion is immoral and unacceptable, why should exceptions be made for rape or incest? Is a child conceived in such circumstances any less entitled to the “right to life?” If we allow such exceptions, essentially for social reasons, how are the conditions under which conception occurred to be determined? How likely is it that a confession, DNA confirmation, or conviction in criminal court will occur within the first two trimesters?
2. Infanticide or Matricide? There are many different disorders that can occur during pregnancy, some of which present a relatively low level of risk and are treatable; but others such as preeclampsia are a leading cause of maternal and infant death. Preeclampsia--pregnancy induced hypertension and toxemia--causes approximately 80,000 deaths each year. Since preeclampsia usually occurs in the third trimester, it often does not necessitate an abortion. The baby can be delivered prematurely in an effort to save the mother, but the risk is still high.
Pregnancy can be very dangerous to women in other circumstances where abortion is more likely to be medically indicated; for example, in the case of a woman with serious cardio-pulmonary problems, where the risk of death from pregnancy to a mother can be 50 percent; or a woman whose water breaks at eighteen weeks, making her at significant risk of developing a serious and potentially life-threatening infection before the baby could be delivered with a chance of survival. The normal term of a pregnancy is 37-40 weeks; a prenatal baby is commonly considered viable at 24 weeks (i.e., the youngest baby able to be kept alive in a newborn intensive care unit; before this, virtually no babies can be kept alive even with the best care). If the maternal mortality risk is at least 50 percent, a life-or-death coin toss, and the baby is unlikely to survive, an immediate termination of pregnancy often would be recommended.Returning to the proposed amendment, who will determine whether or not the pregnancy is sufficiently life-threatening to the mother for an abortion to be legal, and how will that determination be made? How long will it take for the determination to be made? Sometimes a pregnant woman admitted to the ER cannot wait for extended judicial review while her life hangs in the balance. Might the proposed “Right to Life Amendment” have the unintended consequence of causing the death of countless pregnant women in a vain effort to extend the term of a nonviable fetus for moral or legal reasons that disregard medical considerations? It seems conceivable that the chief beneficiaries of this amendment might be attorneys representing mothers, fathers, unborn babies, doctors, hospitals, insurance companies, clergy, and miscellaneous "friends of the court."
3. Imperfect Babies. Opponents of the proposed amendment note that it allows no exception for serious birth defects. Birth defects are defined as abnormalities of structure, function, or body metabolism that are present at birth. These abnormalities lead to mental or physical disabilities or are fatal. According to the Department of Health’s Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), birth defects affect about one in every 33 babies born in the United States each year. There are more than 4,000 different known birth defects ranging from minor to serious, and although many of them can be treated or cured, they are the leading cause of death in the first year of life. Serious birth defects account for more than 20% of all infant deaths. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) says that out of every 100 babies born in the United States, three have some kind of major birth defect.
Abortion opponents commonly insist that every human life is equally precious. (That is a noble rhetorical statement; but as a father, I unhesitatingly assert that my daughters' lives are more precious to me than any fertilized egg, embryo or fetus.) They characterize abortion as the cold-blooded murder of “imperfect babies.” (As a rhetorical tactic, they prefer to use the terms baby or child rather than fetus. This creates a mental image of a baby such as the one pictured above rather than an undeveloped baby with extreme deformities.) Supporters of abortion rights counter that no purpose is served by extending the prenatal life of a doomed baby. They ask, what woman would find joy in delivering a stillborn baby, or holding a dying newborn in her arms? Many ill-fated pregnancies end in miscarriage, but modern medical care often can extend a pregnancy beyond its natural expiration. Generally in such cases, the outcome is the same.
In cases where tests indicate a near-certainty of a serious birth defect, termination of the pregnancy is a common consideration. Physicians usually present the risk of a serious birth defect in a range of probability from low to high. Often the level of certainty depends on what diagnostic tests are used, such as ultrasound, amniocentesis, or blood tests. Abortion opponents cite instances where a pregnant woman was told her baby might have a serious defect and an abortion was recommended, but the woman chose to have the baby and it was fine. They also point to happy children who have a good quality of life despite birth defects such as cerebral palsy, cystic fibrosis, spina bifida, Down syndrome, Fragile X syndrome, muscular dystrophy, sickle cell anemia, and fetal alcohol syndrome. Abortion opponents rarely consider disorders such as anencephaly (which admittedly occurs in only one out of 2,000 pregnancies).
An anencephalic baby is missing a major portion of the head and brain. If a baby with anencephaly is not stillborn, it may show reflex actions such as breathing or responses to sound or touch, but it has no consciousness or possibility of ever gaining it. It is usually blind, deaf, and unable to feel pain. Inevitably it dies within a few hours after birth. There is no cure for anencephaly. The only treatment is grief counseling for the mother. Though exceedingly rare, anencephaly is as relevant to the abortion debate as the “miracle baby” that defies a grim medical diagnosis by being born perfectly healthy. Abortion rights proponents point out that women are more inclined to talk about their exceptional pregnancy that beat the odds than to talk about their abortion and speculate about what “might have been.”
The Politicization of Pregnancy
In ways unlike any other medical procedure, abortion has become inextricably linked to broader political, cultural, and socioeconomic concerns. In that sense, it is much like slavery in the 1850s. When abolitionist John Brown said he felt the pain of the lash, he was being rhetorical, but he was sincere. Some opponents of abortion feel a profound empathy for unborn babies. Anti-abortion slogans on bumper stickers, billboards, and protest signs might seem absurdly trite to objective observers, but they represent genuine and deeply heartfelt emotions. At the same time, sympathy for unborn babies can seem bizarrely cold toward women, as when abortion is characterized as homicide or the irresponsible exercise of “after the fact birth control” to terminate an “inconvenient” baby. There is no joy in terminating a pregnancy; nor is there cause for celebration upon giving birth to a stillborn baby. In either case, nonjudgmental comfort, not condemnation, is perhaps the best treatment for the mother.
Defenders of abortion rights question the moral or social value of proliferating a population of children with severe birth defects, or children born into a miserable life of dismal poverty, neglect, and abuse. Adoption is the common solution suggested by abortion opponents, without an honest consideration of the impracticality of finding good homes for millions of unwanted babies or the socioeconomic costs of caring for them. The truth of the matter is that despite the widespread availability of abortion, foster homes and residential institutions are already full of orphans with little hope of adoption. Instead of debating an unrealistic amendment to the Constitution, perhaps our society should focus more attention on ways to reduce the number of unplanned, unwanted, and unhealthy pregnancies.
Limited Government?
Historically, political conservatives have advocated limited government and personal liberty; yet in their alliance with social conservatives, they have extended the intrusive "long arm of the law" straight into a woman's uterus, with politicians and judges determining what to do about problematic pregnancies. People with little or no understanding of obstetrics, but a passionate belief in their own moral values (and a determination to impose them on everyone) are curiously confident about weighing in on complex matters that challenge the professional judgment of physicians. It takes four years of college, four additional years of medical school, plus four intense years of experience in residency to become a board-certified obstetrician; yet anyone can insert their opinion into the wombs of women. In doing so, they are willing to devalue women's reproductive freedom and jeopardize their personal health for the sake of their personal opinion.
What is the political prognosis? According to public opinion research, 80 percent of Americans support abortion rights (20 percent with no restrictions; 60 percent with some restrictions). Thus, despite the impassioned hopes and intense lobbying efforts of anti-abortion zealots, the reality of the situation is likely to remain a complex and contentious one, in which abortions are allowed in some cases and prohibited in others. While rhetorical debates rage, pregnant women and their physicians will struggle to treat pregnancy as a personal health issue--not the business of politicians, clergy, or assorted commentators--when they consider medical options. An abortion, like a stiff drink in the 1920s, might become harder to obtain but it won't disappear.
The medical consultant for this article was S.J. Hanson, MD, a resident in gynecology and obstetrics at Johns Hopkins University Hospital. The opinions expressed here are those of the author and do not represent the official position of either Virginia Western or Johns Hopkins on matters of women's health and public policy.